Wednesday, July 31, 2024

Prophet Isaiah had his own struggle with faith and trust

by Damien F. Mackey When we read Isaiah’s authoritative and unerring statements to King Hezekiah, we might be led to imagine that, whereas Hezekiah had to be taught, the prophet Isaiah was always in complete control of situations. That will prove very much not to have been the case. As the Oracle and mouthpiece of the Lord, the prophet Isaiah was empowered to utter profound and edifying statements. But that does not mean that he was a perfectly un-flawed human being. We read in: Isaiah berates King Hezekiah for trusting, not in God, but in weaponry and defence works (1) Isaiah berates King Hezekiah for trusting, not in God, but in weaponry and defence works | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu about King Hezekiah’s personal flaws of character, chiefly his pride. But that did not make him a bad king overall. When measured against the Gold Standard, King David, the pious reformer king, Hezekiah, comes in second out of all of the kings of Judah - presuming that one identifies Hezekiah with Josiah, as I do: Damien F. Mackey’s A Tale of Two Theses (2) Damien F. Mackey's A Tale of Two Theses | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu When we read Isaiah’s authoritative and unerring statements to King Hezekiah, we might be led to imagine that, whereas Hezekiah had to be taught, the prophet Isaiah was always in complete control of situations. That will prove very much not to have been the case. Who was Isaiah? I have dealt with this question now in various articles and a university thesis (2007). Isaiah was, in fact, the son of the prophet Micah, who stretches right back to embrace the prophet Micaiah at the time of King Ahab of Israel and King Jehoshaphat of Judah: Micaiah and Micah more than just a name match (2) Micaiah and Micah more than just a name match | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Isaiah was a Simeonite: God can raise up prophets at will - even from a shepherd of Simeon (2) God can raise up prophets at will - even from a shepherd of Simeon | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu As a non-priest, non-Levite, Isaiah, like his father Micah (a veritable Amos redivivus), and who was also Amos, was never expected to have become a prophet (cf. Amos 7:14). Isaiah appears under various names in the Bible, some of these being compatible. In the context of King Hezekiah, Isaiah was also Hosea and “Uzziah son of Micah, of the tribe of Simeon” (Judith 6:15). In the context of King Josiah, Isaiah was also Asaiah (2 Kings 22:14), and Nahum, and Jonah, and the martyred Uriah (Urijah) (Jeremiah 26:20-23). The Gath-hepher from which he (as Jonah) hailed (2 Kings 14:25) could not have been a place in Galilee (cf. John 7:52), but must have been his father Micah’s home town of Moresheth (Gath) in southern Judah (Micah 1:1). Isaiah’s father, as Amos, had been commissioned by the Lord to testify at Bethel in the north, where he was unwelcome. Bethel is the “Bethulia” of the Book of Judith, which C. C. Torrey had brilliantly shown to be, geographically and topographically, Shechem: Isaiah himself, who was (as Uzziah in Judith) a prince: “… the prince of Juda[h]” and “the prince of the people of Israel” (Judith 8:34; 13:23: Douay), must have been amongst those “captains of war” whom King Hezekiah placed in charge of Judah’s defences (2 Chronicles 32:6). Isaiah would have well known Shechem (“Bethulia”) in the north from his father’s sojourn there, and from his own experience in the northern kingdom as the prophet Hosea. With 182,000 plus Assyrians surrounding “Bethulia” and its environs (cf. Judith 7:2 NRSV), Isaiah - as Uzziah the chief magistrate of the city - would be pressurised into a situation leading to a failure in faith and trust, over the same issue as Moses had been, water (cf. Judith 6:14-15; Numbers 20:10-12). Whereas Moses would be reprimanded on high for not upholding the holiness of God before the people, Uzziah (Isaiah) would have to face a furious Judith, no doubt his younger Simeonite relative, for placing a time limit to “bind the purpose of God”. Listen to the powerful words (Judith 8:9-27 below), a true masterpiece of theology, as uttered by the young Judith, the archetypal Joan of Arc: Judith of Bethulia and Joan of Arc (1) Judith of Bethulia and Joan of Arc | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu When Judith heard the harsh words spoken by the people against the ruler because they were faint for lack of water, and when she heard all that Uzziah said to them and how he promised them under oath to surrender the town to the Assyrians after five days, she sent her maid in charge of all she possessed to summon Uzziah and Chabris and Charmis, the elders of her town. They came to her, and she said to them, ‘Listen to me, rulers of the people of Bethulia! What you have said to the people today is not right; you have even sworn and pronounced this oath between God and you, promising to surrender the town to our enemies unless the Lord turns and helps us within so many days. Who are you to put God to the test today and to set yourselves up in the place of God in human affairs? You are putting the Lord Almighty to the test, but you will never learn anything! You cannot plumb the depths of the human heart or understand the workings of the human mind; how do you expect to search out God, who made all these things, and find out his mind or comprehend his thought? No, my brothers, do not anger the Lord our God. For if he does not choose to help us within these five days, he has power to protect us within any time he pleases or even to destroy us in the presence of our enemies. Do not try to bind the purposes of the Lord our God, for God is not like a human being, to be threatened, or like a mere mortal, to be won over by pleading. Therefore, while we wait for his deliverance, let us call upon him to help us, and he will hear our voice, if it pleases him. For never in our generation nor in these present days has there been any tribe or family or people or town of ours that worships gods made with hands, as was done in days gone by. That was why our ancestors were handed over to the sword and to pillage, and so they suffered a great catastrophe before our enemies. But we know no other god but him, and so we hope that he will not disdain us or any of our people. For if we are captured, all Judea will fall, and our sanctuary will be plundered, and he will make us pay for its desecration with our blood. The slaughter of our kindred and the captivity of the land and the desolation of our inheritance—all this he will bring on our heads among the nations, wherever we serve as slaves, and we shall be an offense and a disgrace in the eyes of those who acquire us. For our slavery will not bring us into favor, but the Lord our God will turn it to dishonor. Therefore, my brothers, let us set an example for our kindred, for their lives depend upon us, and the sanctuary—both the temple and the altar—rests upon us. In spite of everything, let us give thanks to the Lord our God, who is putting us to the test as he did our ancestors. Remember what he did with Abraham and how he tested Isaac and what happened to Jacob in Syrian Mesopotamia, while he was tending the sheep of Laban, his mother’s brother. For he has not tried us with fire, as he did them, to search their hearts, nor has he taken vengeance on us, but the Lord scourges those who are close to him in order to admonish them’. Perhaps, now, too, we can begin to understand what has puzzled so many commentators, Why King Josiah, upon the discovery of the Book of the Law, did not send his delegation to consult any of the outstanding male prophets of the time, but a woman, Huldah. For Judith was that woman, Huldah! Judith and Huldah (DOC) Judith and Huldah | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu And this explains Uzziah’s reply to Judith: ‘Today is not the first time your wisdom has been shown …’ (vv. 28-31): Then Uzziah said to her, ‘All that you have said was spoken out of a true heart, and there is no one who can deny your words. Today is not the first time your wisdom has been shown, but from the beginning of your life all the people have recognized your understanding, for your heart’s disposition is right. But the people were so thirsty that they compelled us to do for them what we have promised and made us take an oath that we cannot break. Now since you are a God-fearing woman, pray for us, so that the Lord may send us rain to fill our cisterns. Then we will no longer feel faint from thirst’. As Huldah, Judith had boldly responded to King Josiah’s delegation with: ‘Tell that man …’ (2 Kings 22:15). It sounds blunt. She must have known the young king well, was reputedly his mentor. And now, again, with similar Joan of Arc like forthrightness Judith continues, seemingly brushing aside Uzziah’s comments. ‘Listen to me …’ (Judith 8:32-34): Then Judith said to them, ‘Listen to me. I am about to do something that will go down through all generations of our people. Stand at the town gate tonight so that I may go out with my maid, and within the days after which you have promised to surrender the town to our enemies, the Lord will deliver Israel by my hand. Only, do not try to find out what I am doing, for I will not tell you until I have finished what I am about to do’. Judith 8:35-36: Uzziah and the rulers said to her, ‘Go in peace, and may the Lord God go before you, to take vengeance on our enemies’. So they returned from the tent and went to their posts. What incredible, total faith and trust in God! Virtually unprecedented in human history – at least in the Old Testament. No wonder that Judith stands as a type of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Another commentator who is amazed at Judith’s firm faith is Toni Craven, as I noted in my university thesis (2007, Volume Two, p. 68): Craven, following Dancy’s view that the theology presented in Judith’s words to the town officials rivals the theology of the Book of Job, will go on to make this comment: “Judith plays out her whole story with the kind of faith described in the Prologue of Job (esp. 1:21 and 2:9). Her faith is like that of Job after his experience of God in the whirlwind (cf. 42:1-6), yet in the story she has no special theophanic experience. We can only imagine what happened on her housetop where she was habitually a woman of regular prayer”. Isaiah (as Jonah) fails again I'm going down I'm going, down, down, down, down, down Yes, I'm going down, yes I'm going down, down, down, down, down Yes, I've got my feet in the window Got my head on the ground Albert King That just about describes the career of Jonah, “going down”. Going down to Joppa; going down to the ship; going down “below deck”; going down in the storm; going down into the depth of the sea; going down inside the big fish. By stark contrast to Judith, who was completely God-centred, His will being paramount, Jonah self-centredly did not want an opportunity of mercy afforded to the Ninevites. Had he not only recently had a front seat view of the rout of the mighty Assyrian army? Had not the Great King of Assyria, Sennacherib, only recently been assassinated by his sons? Now, with Assyria in chaos, was the time for God to strike that wicked people for good. But, no, here is God commissioning Jonah to Nineveh, as He had once sent his father Amos to Bethel. Jonah knew that God was merciful - mercy is in fact His first and greatest attribute - that He was about to offer the pagan Ninevites a chance to repent. And Jonah was having none of it. Even to the very end, with the miracle of mass conversion going on in the city, Jonah was meanly waiting in the east of Nineveh for the outcome. More concerned about shelter from the burning sun than the fate of an entire city. And that is how the Book of Jonah ends, with an angry Jonah (4:9): ‘I’m so angry I wish I were dead’. The poor man, by now of great age, will have – according to my revision – yet one more opportunity to run away, to ‘go down’ to Egypt to escape his persecutors, now as the prophet Uriah (Urijah) (Jeremiah 26:20-23). The great prophet’s misery will soon be at an end. He will be hauled back to Jerusalem by the emissaries of King Jehoiakim (= Manasseh) and slain with the sword. This is, in fact, tradition’s Martyrdom of Isaiah.

Monday, July 29, 2024

Shechem: the Bethel of Jeroboam and the “Bethulia” of Judith

by Damien F. Mackey “… Shechem was almost certainly the Bethel of Jeroboam, during the divided kingdom”. Dr. John Osgood For a long time I was of the opinion that the best candidate for Judith’s strategically important town of “Bethulia” was, following C. R. Conder, Mithilia (or Mesilieh), near Dothan. That was more due to the fact that Conder himself had been so enthusiastic about the site rather than because it was a location of the strategic importance that the Judith narrative would demand. C. R. Conder had apparently, from the following description, entertained the possible reality of the Judith account: ?Meselieh? A small village, with a detached portion to the north, and placed on a slope, with a hill to the south, and surrounded by good olive-groves, with an open valley called W鈊y el Melek (“the King’s Valley’) on the north. The water-supply is from wells, some of which have an ancient appearance. They are mainly supplied with rain-water. In 1876 I proposed to identify the village of Meselieh, or Mithilia, south of Jenin, with the Bethulia of the Book of Judith, supposing the substitution of M for B, of which there are occasional instances in Syrian nomenclature. The indications of the site given in the Apocrypha are tolerably distinct. Bethulia stood on a hill, but not apparently on the top, which is mentioned separately (Judith vi. 12) There were springs or wells beneath the town (verse 11), and the houses were above these (verse 13). The city stood in the hill-country not far from the plain (verse 11), and apparently near Dothan (Judith iv. 6). The army of Holofernes was visible when encamped near Dothan (Judith vii. 3, 4), by the spring in the valley near Bethulia (verses 3-7).’The site usually supposed to represent Bethulia – namely, the strong village of Sanur – does not fulfill these various requisites; but the topography of the Book of Judith, as a whole, is so consistent and easily understood, that it seems that Bethulia was an actual site. Visiting Mithilia on our way to Shechem ? we found a small ruinous village on the slope of the hill. Beneath it are ancient wells, and above it a rounded hill-top, commanding a tolerably extensive view. The north-east part of the great plain, Gilboa, Tabor … and Nazareth, are clearly seen. West of these are neighbouring hillsides Jenin and Wady Bel’ameh (the Belmaim, probably of the narrative); but further west Carmel appears behind the ridge of Sheikh Iskander … and part of the plain of ‘Arrabeh, close to Dothan, is seen. A broad corn-vale, called “The King’s Valley”, extends north-west from Meselieh toward Dothan, a distance of only 3 miles. There is a low shed formed by rising ground between two hills, separating this valley from the Dothain plain; and at the latter site is the spring beside which, probably, the Assyrian army is supposed by the old Jewish novelist [sic] to have encamped. In imagination one might see the stately Judith walking through the down-trodden corn-fields and shady olive-groves, while on the rugged hillside above the men of the city “looked after her until she was gone down the mountain, and till she had passed the valley, and could see her no more'”. (Judith x 10) – C. R. C., ‘Quarterly Statement’, July, 1881. On the other hand, the scholar who would properly identify Judith’s “Bethulia” as Shechem, C. C. Torrey, did not consider the narrative to be anything more than a mere fantasy. He did, however, believe that the Book of Judith’s description of “Bethulia” itself must have been based upon the in-put of someone who knew the geography of Shechem in very precise detail. The Site of 'Bethulia' Charles C. Torrey Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 20 (1899), pp. 160-172 (13 pages) Now, Dr. John Osgood has characteristically filled in some of the archaeology of Shechem (from Abraham to Jeroboam of Israel) in its relation to the Scriptures: Techlets - creation.com Shechem: This is no problem to the revised chronology presented here, since the passage concerning Abraham and Shechem, viz. Genesis 12:6, does not indicate that a city of any consequence was then present there. On the other hand, Jacob’s contact makes it clear that there was a significant city present later (Genesis 33 and 34), but only one which was able to be overwhelmed by a small party of Jacob’s sons who took it by surprise. I would date any evidence of civilisation at these times to the late Chalcolithic in Abraham’s case, and to EB I in Jacob’s case, the latter being the most significant. The Bible is silent about Shechem until the Israelite conquest, after which it is apparent that it developed a significant population until the destruction of the city in the days of Abimelech. If the scriptural silence is significant, then no evidence of occupation would be present after EB I until MB I and no significant building would occur until the MB IIC. Shechem was rebuilt by Jeroboam I, and continued thereafter until the Assyrian captivity. Moreover, Shechem was almost certainly the Bethel of Jeroboam, during the divided kingdom. So I would expect heavy activity during the majority of LB and all of Iron I. This is precisely the findings at Shechem, with the exception that the earliest periods have not had sufficient area excavated to give precise details about the Chalcolithic and EB I. No buildings have yet been brought to light from these periods, but these periods are clearly represented at Shechem. MB IIC at Shechem was a major destruction, so almost certainly it was the city of Abimelech. The population’s allegiance to Hamor and Shechem could easily be explained by a return of descendants of the Shechem captives taken by Jacob’s son, now returned after the Exodus nostalgically to Shechem, rather than by a continuation of the population through intervening periods (see Judges 9:28, Genesis 34). For Jeroboam’s city and after, the numerous LB and Iron I strata are a sufficient testimony (see Biblical Archaeology, XX,XXVL and XXXII). …. [End of quote] This accords well with the view that the city of Jericho built during the reign of king Ahab of Israel was the Iron Age I level city. On this, see e.g. my article: Hiel's Jericho. Part One: Stratigraphical level (DOC) Hiel's Jericho. Part One: Stratigraphical level | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Judith’s Shechem (“Bethulia”) level would belong to a later phase again of the Iron Age.

Isaiah berates King Hezekiah for trusting, not in God, but in weaponry and defence works

by Damien F. Mackey “The Lord stripped away the defenses of Judah, and you looked in that day to the weapons in the Palace of the Forest. You saw that the walls of the City of David were broken through in many places; you stored up water in the Lower Pool. You counted the buildings in Jerusalem and tore down houses to strengthen the wall. You built a reservoir between the two walls for the water of the Old Pool, but you did not look to the One who made it, or have regard for the One who planned it long ago. Isaiah 22:8-11 It was the Lord’s work. He, it was, who had stripped Judah naked of its defence cities, most notably Lachish. The point being made was that Jerusalem, the capital of ‘a godless nation’, was now utterly defenceless against the might of Assyria - a might that was being Divinely driven according to Isaiah 10:5-6: ‘Woe to the Assyrian, the rod of my anger, in whose hand is the club of my wrath! I send him against a godless nation, I dispatch him against a people who anger me, to seize loot and snatch plunder, and to trample them down like mud in the streets’. King Sennacherib of Assyria, however, was totally out of touch with the Divine Plan. All the might, he thought, emanated from his own glorious self (Sennacherib Prism): As for Hezekiah the Judahite, who did not submit to my yoke: forty-six of his strong, walled cities, as well as the small towns in their area, which were without number, by levelling with battering-rams and by bringing up siege-engines, and by attacking and storming on foot, by mines, tunnels, and breeches, I besieged and took them. 200,150 people, great and small, male and female, horses, mules, asses, camels, cattle and sheep without number, I brought away from them and counted as spoil. (Hezekiah) himself, like a caged bird I shut up in Jerusalem, his royal city. Those who mistakenly think that this was the occasion of Judah’s miraculous deliverance from the Assyrians are forced to conclude that Sennacherib’s words here were an empty boast. They weren’t. This is exactly what the Assyrians managed to do to Judah during Sennacherib’s first major campaign there. Look at the archaeology of once strong forts such as Lachish. Isaiah tells us just what was the mentality of Sennacherib at the time (10:7-14): But this is not what he intends, this is not what he has in mind; his purpose is to destroy, to put an end to many nations. ‘Are not my commanders all kings?’ he says. ‘Has not Kalno fared like Carchemish? Is not Hamath like Arpad, and Samaria like Damascus? As my hand seized the kingdoms of the idols, kingdoms whose images excelled those of Jerusalem and Samaria— shall I not deal with Jerusalem and her images as I dealt with Samaria and her idols?’ When the Lord has finished all his work against Mount Zion and Jerusalem, he will say, ‘I will punish the king of Assyria for the willful pride of his heart and the haughty look in his eyes. For he says: “By the strength of my hand I have done this, and by my wisdom, because I have understanding. I removed the boundaries of nations, I plundered their treasures; like a mighty one I subdued their kings. As one reaches into a nest, so my hand reached for the wealth of the nations; as people gather abandoned eggs, so I gathered all the countries; not one flapped a wing, or opened its mouth to chirp”.’ However, it was the Lord, not Sennacherib, so Isaiah tells us, who was really fighting against Judah and Jerusalem: ‘When the Lord has finished all his work against Mount Zion and Jerusalem …’. Assyria was merely serving as God’s potent instrument, “the rod of my anger”, “the club of my wrath”, my “axe”, but soon to be discarded (vv. 15-19): Does the axe raise itself above the person who swings it, or the saw boast against the one who uses it? As if a rod were to wield the person who lifts it up, or a club brandish the one who is not wood! Therefore, the Lord, the Lord Almighty, will send a wasting disease upon his sturdy warriors; under his pomp a fire will be kindled like a blazing flame. The Light of Israel will become a fire, their Holy One a flame; in a single day it will burn and consume his thorns and his briers. The splendor of his forests and fertile fields it will completely destroy, as when a sick person wastes away. And the remaining trees of his forests will be so few that a child could write them down. So, today, do nations rely upon, boast of, their defences, their Iron Dome missile systems and their mighty armouries, not taking to heart that it is the Lord who guides the fortunes of the nations and who determines outcomes (Isaiah 45:6-7): ‘I am the Lord, and there is no other. I form the light and create darkness, I bring prosperity and create disaster; I, the Lord, do all these things’. … but you did not look to the One who made it, or have regard for the One who planned it long ago. ‘Those who live by the sword will die by the sword’ (Matthew 26:52). Sennacherib will be severely punished for his blasphemous boasting against the Lord, “for the willful pride of his heart and the haughty look in his eyes”. But King Hezekiah of Judah will also need to be brought down a peg or two. Did not even Sennacherib himself refer to the King of Judah as “the strong, proud Hezekiah” (Sennacherib’s Bull Inscriptions)? King Hezekiah was second only to David King Hezekiah of Judah had, like all of us, his own particular faults and failings. He was proud. But he was a good pious king, second only to King David amongst the Kings of Judah. If that seems to be what was said also about the great reforming king, Josiah, then I have no problem whatsoever with that. See e.g. my article: Damien F. Mackey’s A Tale of Two Theses (5) Damien F. Mackey's A Tale of Two Theses | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu in which I arrive at the conclusion that King Josiah was King Hezekiah. But King Hezekiah (Josiah) had yet to learn about faith and complete trust in the Lord. It is a lesson that we all need to learn - and quickly, the way that the world is going. Meanwhile, even as his fortified cities are falling like dominoes to the Assyrian army, King Hezekiah is to be found frantically gathering weapons and fortifying Jerusalem. It must have been on this occasion that King Hezekiah built the great moat of Jerusalem, recently found, surely the same as the pool: King Hezekiah made the pool in Jerusalem (5) King Hezekiah made the pool in Jerusalem | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Some are assigning the moat to the time of King Josiah of Judah. Again, I have no problem with that if King Josiah was King Hezekiah. The following 2009 article is taken from: https://library.biblicalarchaeology.org/article/a-tiny-piece-of-the-puzzle/ A Tiny Piece of the Puzzle Six-Letter Inscription Suggests Monumental Building of Hezekiah By Hershel Shanks Ancient Jerusalem sometimes reveals itself in little bits. In this case, it is a tiny inscription with only six letters preserved. So little remains of ancient Israel in the City of David (the 12-acre ridge where the oldest inhabited part of Jerusalem is located) because later inhabitants continually destroyed evidence of earlier occupation. Over the millennia, the stones that made up the houses, temples and monuments of Iron Age Jerusalem were swept aside and scattered to make room for new settlements. A few years ago, archaeologists Ronny Reich and Eli Shukron discovered a huge water pool at the southern tip of the City of David that dates to the time of Jesus. This is entirely different from the tiny pool nearby that was long thought to be the Pool of Siloam. The new pool is undoubtedly the one to which the New Testament refers when it describes the man, blind from birth, who was miraculously cured by Jesus at “the Pool of Siloam” (John 9:1–11).a The Pool of Siloam is at the outlet to another well-known monument in the City of David: Hezekiah’s Tunnel. This 1,750-foot-long tunnel begins at the Gihon Spring (ancient Jerusalem’s only flowing water source) and winds its way west and south until it debouches into the Pool of Siloam. In 1880 some boys swimming in the tunnel discovered an inscription engraved into the wall near the southern outlet. Later vandals chiseled the inscription out of the wall. Eventually, the Ottoman authorities seized it and sent it to Istanbul. To this day, it remains one of the highlights of the Istanbul Archaeological Museum. The famous inscription written in late-eighth-century B.C. script describes how two teams dug the tunnel from opposite ends and met in the middle. How they managed to do it remains somewhat of a puzzle. But you can still walk through the water-filled tunnel and decide for yourself.b The tunnel brought water from the spring outside the city wall into the city as a safety measure for whenever it would be dangerous to venture outside. This was probably critical to the city’s survival when the Assyrian monarch Sennacherib besieged the city in 701 B.C. Recently Reich and Shukron found a small piece of white limestone (5.3 x 3.7 inches [13.5 x 9.5 cm]) that adds one small, intriguing piece to the puzzle of Jerusalem in the eighth century B.C. It is broken on all sides and is engraved with just six paleo-Hebrew letters, the kind used before the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. Unfortunately, the stone was found in a thick fill, rather than in a stratified context. But the pottery sherds in the fill all dated to the eighth century B.C., which was the first hint of the date of the inscription on the stone. The second hint was the shape of the six letters. They closely resemble the letters of the Siloam Inscription discovered in Hezekiah’s Tunnel. Hezekiah’s workmen dug the tunnel in the late eighth century B.C. when, as adverted to earlier in this article, the Judahite king was preparing for a siege of Jerusalem by the fearsome Assyrian monarch Sennacherib—a siege that came in 701 B.C. The siege was unsuccessful [sic], however, and Jerusalem no doubt survived in part because of the water carried into the city by the tunnel. All this is described in the Bible (2 Chronicles 32; 2 Kings 18–20), as well as in a cuneiform account in which Sennacherib boasts that he had Hezekiah imprisoned like “a bird in a cage.” But Sennacherib makes no claim to having conquered the city. What makes the new six-letter inscription especially tantalizing is that it was part of an impressive monumental inscription, probably part of some large public building. But what did it say? Alas, we will never know for sure. The possibilities, however, are intriguing. The six letters are arranged in two lines. In the second line, a dot separates the second and the third letter. Dots were customarily used to divide the words of monumental inscriptions at that time. Thus, in the second line we have two letters of one word and one letter of a second word. The three letters of the first line are all part of a single word. The letters on the first line are qyh. This is enough to tell the excavators that it is probably part of a personal name ending in –yahu, a so-called theophoric element, referring to the personal name of the Israelite God, Yahweh. However, several names in the eighth century B.C. ended this way. And several of them incorporate this three-letter sequence. The excavators refrain from expressing any preference. But one leading Biblical scholar in Jerusalem told me that he was sure of what the name was: [Hiz]qyh[w] = Hizqiyahu, or “Hezekiah” in English! The first word in the second line includes the two letters kh. Again there are several possibilities, and the excavators express no preference. But the Bible scholar I spoke with is sure he knows: [br]kh = beracha, or “pool” in English. There must have been a pool at the termination of Hezekiah’s Tunnel even in the First Temple period, as there was in the Second Temple period, when Jesus walked this earth, and as there has always been since then. Perhaps this fragment of a monumental inscription graced a public building erected by King Hezekiah in connection with the pool. This little fragment of stone is only the latest evidence of a thriving metropolis at Jerusalem during the First Temple period. In an excavation in the City of David led by the late Yigal Shiloh, a fragment from a similar monumental inscription was discovered, though on a different kind of stone. Still another such inscription was found further north in an excavation led by Benjamin Mazar and Meir Ben-Dov. Piece by tiny piece, a picture of ancient Jerusalem comes into focus.1 ….

Wednesday, July 24, 2024

Why Josiah shares so many similarities with Hezekiah

by Damien F. Mackey King Josiah of Judah appears so similar to King Hezekiah of Judah because King Josiah was King Hezekiah. Reading through Keith Lannon’s July 22nd article: https://thelonghaulwithisaiah.wordpress.com/2023/07/22/173-hezekiah-and-josiah-similarities-differences/ 172. Thoughts on Hezekiah and his similarities with Josiah and appreciating the author’s recognition of likenesses between Hezekiah and Josiah - as many commentators, indeed, have perceived - yet further confirmed me in my view (not that I actually needed it) that Josiah was Hezekiah. This radical new view affecting the historical sequence of the Kings of Judah, which must necessarily involve, as well, kings reigning before and after Hezekiah/Josiah, I have tried to spell out in various articles, perhaps the most comprehensive of these being the following one of a specially personal nature: Damien F. Mackey’s A Tale of Two Theses (3) Damien F. Mackey's A Tale of Two Theses | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Such a far-reaching revision must also involve correcting Assyro-Babylonian history, and Egypt-Ethiopia, tasks that I have undertaken in articles such as: De-coding Jonah (3) De-coding Jonah | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu and: The Complete Ramses II (3) The Complete Ramses II | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu With all of this I mind, I shall now proceed to add whatever comments I consider necessary to what Keith Lannon has written: Hezekiah and Josiah were two of the greatest Hebrew kings on the Davidic tree. As Hezekiah was Josiah’s Great Grandfather, they never met. It may seem logical to suggest that Josiah would have been brought up being taught of the legendary Godliness of great Grandad “Hezzy”, however, it has to be added that Josiah’s father – and especially his grandfather were godless idolaters. My comment: Hezekiah, Josiah, only the one person, certainly ‘met’. Hezekiah’s ancestors were thus the same as Josiah’s ancestors. Keith Lannon continues: Josiah’s family nights around the warm, brazier recounting stories of their ancestors would have had Granddad Manasseh doing all he could to deride his own father Hezekiah’s devout lifestyle. Manasseh was a malevolent wizard of genuine black magic and evil – even though the term “black magic” is never used in scripture – but sacrificing one’s son to some evilly conceived demonic “deity” has to be as deep and dark as it is possible to achieve. The scripture tells us, “Manasseh also sacrificed his own son in the fire. He practiced sorcery and divination, and he consulted with mediums and psychics. He did much that was evil in the Lord’s sight, arousing his anger. Manasseh even made a carved image of Asherah and set it up in the Temple.” (2 Kings 21:6-7a) How’s that for conjoined criminality and devil worship? So Godly Josiah succeeded the ultra-bad Manasseh. My comment: Manasseh was all that. But he followed, not preceded, Josiah. Keith Lannon continues: According to a brief postscript to Manasseh’s narrative, Manasseh was brought in chains to the Assyrian king (nobody is sure whether it was Esarhaddon or Ashurbanipal) which, by historical deduction could have been for non-payment of tribute, or as some trivial rumour of disloyalty – such was life living under such cruel dictatorships. My comment: It was Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal, who were one and the same. Keith Lannon continues: The text in chronicles goes on to inform the reader that he was later treated well and restored to his throne. It seems that the severity of Manasseh’s Assyrian imprisonment brought him to repentance towards Yahweh. Manasseh was, however, restored to the throne, and abandoned idolatry, and even started removing foreign idols and exhorting the people to worship Yahweh. Neither Kings nor Assyrian records mention this end-of-life phenomenon – only the verses in 2 Chronicles 33:11-15. My comment: Manasseh, whose long life (reign) was, I think, largely counted in Captivity, was the same as Jehoiakim (and probably also Zedekiah, as I have more lately been thinking). Keith Lannon continues: Both negative and positive influences on the outlook and philosophy of heirs to the Davidic throne while they were young must have been viciously partisan. But I highlight this account while meditating on Hezekiah’s zeal for pure Yahwehism. Just as Samuel emerged as one of the Godliest men in scripture while being nurtured amid Eli’s godless sons, so did Hezekiah emerge strong in God despite evil father Amon, and evil grandfather Manasseh. My comment: Amon, who was Haman of the Book of Esther, was, I am now thinking, a son of Josiah’s. He was also Jehoahaz, whose Egyptian name, Amon, arose from his period of captivity in Egypt, under Pharaoh Necho. Keith Lannon continues: It is generally accepted that Hezekiah died circa 687 BC, and Josiah succeeded to the Davidic throne 640 BC, circa 50 years later. The clean clear convictions and practices of Josiah were birthed despite the spiritual sewage produced in the reigns of Manasseh and Amon. As a by the way, Josiah’s father only reigned 2 years and was murdered by his own courtiers, who were themselves then all murdered by the people of Judah. Ah! Gentle days of the closing seventh century in Judah. My comment: This, I now believe to be quite the wrong sequence. Josiah, as Hezekiah, did not reign “circa 50 years later”. Keith Lannon continues: Hezekiah had been King of Judah for 4 only years when Shalmaneser, king of Assyria started besieging Samaria, the capital of the Northern Kingdom of Israel, i.e., not in Hezekiah’s realm. As far as we know Hezekiah did absolutely zilch to aid Hoshea, king of Israel in his existential struggle against Assyria. Three years later Samaria crumbled. That brings us to an iconic date in Hebrew history -722 B.C. The vast majority of the population of the northern kingdom was infamously dragged away to nations and locations generally unknown (though variably guessed at by all and sundry, leaving us with the ever-unresolved mystery of “the ten lost tribes”). My comment: Jeremiah’s ‘northern foe’ (Jeremiah 6:22-26), which was King Josiah’s foe, was the same as King Hezekiah’s Assyrian foe - Sennacherib. Keith Lannon continues: All that we know of Hezekiah’s life is described in 2 Kings, chapters 18-20. He became king of Judah at the age of twenty-five and reigned in Jerusalem for 29 years. A faithful worshipper of the true God, Hezekiah reopened the Temple of Solomon (2 Chronicles 20:3) and reigned in control throughout an amazingly traumatic period of Hebrew history. According to the Book of Kings, King Hezekiah instituted a deep furroughing reform that rid Judah and population-less Israel of anything that looked, smelt, or hinted at idolatry. He even went so far as to destroy “the brazen serpent that Moses had made; for up to those days the children of Israel burnt incense to it. It was called Nehushtan” (Bronze snake). However, 55 years of demonic witchcraft being instilled into Hebrew culture, and the popular assassination of Amon, left the young Josiah with a spiritual mountain to climb. My comment: Neither Manasseh’s demonism, nor Amon’s apostasy, had yet occurred. Keith Lannon continues: After reading countless times through Kings and Chronicles, the stories of Josiah’s contemporary Levitical priest Hilkiah finding something called “the scrolls” in a huge pile of dust, refuse and rats, and how the king tore his clothes after the book was read to him is impossible to unsee, post having read it through. The graphic image is like a cowhand burning cattle with a red-hot branding iron. In similar fashion, Josiah’s response is burnt into our imagination sustaining the deed in our understanding and in the depth of our souls. True worship is to be given to Yahweh and Yahweh alone. My comment: The priest, Hilkiah, is common to the accounts both of Hezekiah and Josiah, his son being Hezekiah’s High Priest (not Major Domo), Eliakim son of Hilkiah, who was Jeremiah son of Hilkiah. Keith Lannon continues: I stand to be corrected, but Josiah and his Great Grandad are the only two Davidic kings [sic] who took God seriously enough to tear their clothes up in a display of their need for God’s assistance, and repentance for their own godlessness. Josiah’s passionate display was repentance for his ignorance of the Mosaic law, while Hezekiah’s was because of an absolutely hopeless situation with a quarter of a million bloodthirsty Assyrian soldiers surrounding Jerusalem. My comment: The Assyrian army of 185,000 never reached Jerusalem - as Isaiah had foretold it would not (Isaiah 37:33). It was stopped by the Simeonite heroine, Judith, at “Bethulia”, which is Shechem. Judith of Hezekiah is the Huldah of Josiah; Isaiah of Hezekiah (Uzziah of “Bethulia”) is the Asaiah of Josiah; Hilkiah of Hezekiah is the Hilkiah of Josiah; Eliakim of Hezekiah (the Joakim/Eliachim of Judith), the High Priest, is the Jeremiah of Josiah. Keith Lannon continues: The well preached and thoroughly dramatised picture of noble Hezekiah, tearfully and desperately spreading out the Rabshakeh’s letter from the king of Assyria, smoothing out the creases of the letter on the floor in case Yahweh couldn’t read the missive properly is, yet again, another of one of the most incredible moments of Hebrew history. Every action and deed by Hezekiah wreak meaning and significance. These two men [sic] seemed, throughout their lives, to fill any biblical consideration with impacting graphics as deeply spiritual as they are emotional. And it is with equal gravitas and pictorial clarity that Isaiah sent the message to Hezekiah with the quiet and peaceful message “not to worry – the problem was solved.” The weight is added to the prophet’s words when one realises that there must have been something like a quarter of a million Assyrian soldiers camped outside Jerusalem’s walls when he spoke the prophecy. My comment: No, not “outside Jerusalem’s walls”. This had happened on an earlier campaign of Sennacherib’s, one of great success to Assyria. The demise of the massive Assyrian army - which was a rout, not a Divine zapping - would occur well north of Jerusalem. Keith Lannon continues: And boy oh boy, was the problem solved! 185,000 men mysteriously lost their lives overnight in order to solve Jerusalem’s problem. The King James translation has that humourous line that, “When they awoke, they were dead.” Yes indeed, two great kings who knew what it meant to take all issues to Yahweh asking him to personally handle the scenario and get them out of their self-inflicted messes. My comment: If all 185,ooo Assyrians actually died, which they did not, how was Esarhaddon very soon afterwards able to be so potent a king? ….. Thank God for the lives of Hezekiah and Josiah. My comment: Or, thank God for the life of the Great Reforming King of Judah, Hezekiah/Josiah.

Tuesday, July 23, 2024

Archaeologists discover Bulla of King Hezekiah

“The stamped bulla served as both a signature and as a means of ensuring the authenticity of the documents”. Robin Ngo For a greatly enlarged King Hezekiah of Judah, see e.g. my article: Damien F. Mackey’s A Tale of Two Theses (1) Damien F. Mackey's A Tale of Two Theses | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Taken from: https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/news/king-hezekiah-in-the-bible-royal-seal-of-hezekiah-comes-to-light/ King Hezekiah in the Bible: Royal Seal of Hezekiah Comes to Light Hezekiah in the Bible and on the ground Robin Ngo March 03, 2024 …. HEZEKIAH IN THE BIBLE. The royal seal of Hezekiah, king of Judah, was discovered in the Ophel excavations under the direction of archaeologist Eilat Mazar. Photo: Courtesy of Dr. Eilat Mazar; photo by Ouria Tadmor. The royal seal of King Hezekiah in the Bible was found in an archaeological excavation. The stamped clay seal, also known as a bulla, was discovered in the Ophel excavations led by Dr. Eilat Mazar at the foot of the southern wall of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. The discovery was announced in a press release by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem’s Institute of Archaeology, under whose auspices the excavations were conducted. The bulla, which measures just over a centimeter in diameter, bears a seal impression depicting a two-winged sun disk flanked by ankh symbols and containing a Hebrew inscription that reads “Belonging to Hezekiah, (son of) Ahaz, king of Judah.” The bulla was discovered along with 33 other stamped bullae during wet-sifting of dirt from a refuse dump located next to a 10th-century B.C.E. royal building in the Ophel. In the ancient Near East, clay bullae were used to secure the strings tied around rolled-up documents. The bullae were made by pressing a seal onto a wet lump of clay. The stamped bulla served as both a signature and as a means of ensuring the authenticity of the documents. ….

Friday, May 17, 2024

Adrammelech and Sharezer murdered king Sennacherib

by Damien F. Mackey “One day, while [Sennacherib] was worshiping in the temple of his god Nisroch, his sons Adrammelech and Sharezer struck him down with the sword and escaped to the land of Ararat. Then his son Esar-haddon became king in his place”. 2 Kings 19:37 Tobit 1:21 collaborates this, but without naming the two regicidal sons: “… two of Sennacherib's sons assassinated him and then escaped to the mountains of Ararat. Another son, Esarhaddon, became emperor and put Ahikar, my brother Anael's son, in charge of all the financial affairs of the empire”. Tobit 1:21 Adrammelech Emil G. Kraeling thinks that: “Sharezer was probably not a son” (“The Death of Sennacherib”, Jstor 53, No. 4, December, 1933, cf. note 32). I shall come to him after a consideration of Adrammelech, who, thanks to professor Simo Parpola, appears to have been identified as one of Sennacherib’s known sons: http://www.gatewaystobabylon.com/introduction/murderersennacherib.htm THE MURDERER OF SENNACHERIB The news of the murder of Sennacherib, King of Assyria, on 20 Tebet, 681, was received with mixed feelings but certainly with strong emotion all over the ancient Near East. In Israel and Babylonia, it was hailed as godsent punishment for the "godless" deeds of a hated despot; in Assyria, the reaction must have been overwhelmingly horror and resentment. Not surprisingly, then, the event is relatively well reported or referred to in contemporary and later sources, both cuneiform and non-cuneiform, and has been the subject of considerable scholarly debate as well. In spite of all this attention, however, the most central thing about the whole affair has remained an open question: the identity of the murderer. While all our sources agree that he was one of the king's own sons, his name is not known from any cuneiform text, and the names offered by the Bible and Berossus, all of them evidently textually corrupt, have not been satisfactorily explained and are accordingly looked at with understandable suspicion. A theory favored in the early days of Assyriology, according to which these names should be viewed as corruptions of Ardior Arad-Ninlil, a son of Sennacherib known from a contemporary legal document, has gradually had to give way to an entirely different interpretation, according to which the murderer (or at least the mastermind behind the murder) was none but Sennacherib's heir-designate and successor to throne himself, Esarhaddon, who would have been forced to engineer the assassination in order to avoid being replaced by one of his brothers. The weakness of this theory is that it is in disagreement not only with Esarhaddon's own account of the course of events, which puts the blame on his brothers, but also with the traditions of the Bible and Berossus; it also involves a lot of reading between the lines. For these reasons, it has not been universally accepted either, and the case is largely viewed as unsolved for lack of clear-cut, conclusive evidence. In this paper I hope to show that the available evidence is not at all so elusive as is commonly thought, and actually suffices for determining the identity of the assassin with reasonable certainty. There is a Neo-Babylonian letter, published decades ago, which explicitly states the name of the murderer, and this name is not only known to have been borne by a son of Sennacherib but it also virtually agrees with the name forms found in the Bible and at Berossus. The text in question, R. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters (=ABL) XI no.1091 (Chicago 1911), has escaped attention because it was completely misunderstood and mistranslated by its editor, Leroy Waterman; the name has remained unidentified because its actual pronunciation has been obscured by its misleading logographic spelling. In what follows, I shall analyse both the letter and the name in detail and finally integrate the new evidence with the previously known facts in a brief reassessment of the murder and its prehistory. The beginning of ABL 1091 is lost. The first three extant lines are fragmentary, but sufficiently much of them remains to suggest that they referred to certain “Babylonian brothers” of the writer (or writers).lu From line 4' on the text can be followed better. The persons just mentioned gain knowledge of a "treaty of rebellion", and subsequently one of them requests an audience with the king. The expression for this is "to say the king's word" which, as shown by J. N. Postgate years ago, implies that the person in question applied to the king as the supreme judge and should consequently have been sent directly to the Palace. This, however, is not what happens in the present case. Two Assyrian officials appear and question the man. Having found whom his appeal concerns, they cover his face and take him away. This, in itself. is perhaps not significant, for ordinary people were not permitted to look at the king face to face. But what follows is startling. The man is not taken to the king but to Arad-Ninlil, the very person he wanted to talk about, and (his face still covered) is ordered to speak out. Clearly under the illusion that he is speaking to the king, he subsequently declares: "Your son AradNinlil is going to kill you. " Things now take a drastic course. The face of the man is uncovered: he is interrogated by Arad-Ninlil: and after that he is put to death along with his comrades mentioned in the beginning of the letter. The remaining seven lines are too fragmentary to be properly understood. To bring home the significance of this letter, let me put together some basic facts. The first is that it was clearly the "treaty of rebellion" mentioned at the beginning of the text that induced the unfortunate man to appeal to the king; second, that his information concerned Arad-Ninlil; and third, that because of this information, he and all his comrades knowing about the "treaty of rebellion" instantly got killed. Accordingly, we may conclude that the assertion "Your son Arad-Ninlil will kill you" was something Arad-Ninlil did not want to become publicly known; and since this statement was meant for the ears of the king, it is evident (1) that the person Arad-Ninlil intended to kill was the king himself and (2) that Arad-Ninlil himself was the king's own son. It follows that AradNinlil was involved in a conspiracy aiming at the murder of the king, and quite obviously was the leading figure in it. Nowhere in the letter is the name Arad-Ninlil preserved completely; the last sign LÍL is broken away or damaged in all instances. But no other Sargonid prince with a name beginning with the sign ARAD is known, so the restoration of the final element can be regarded as certain. Since Arad-Ninlil is only attested as a son of Sennacherib, the king referred to in the text can only be Sennacherib. On the other hand, it is clear that the letter itself cannot have been addressed to Sennacherib. Had the writer wanted to warn the king of a threatening assassination, he would have expressed himself differently. Hence, one must conclude that the letter was written after the murder had already taken place, and therefore probably was addressed to Esarhaddon. As this king must, from the beginning, have been reasonably well informed about his father's murder, it would be absurd to assume that the purpose of the writer was simply to inform the king about the identity of the murderer. His aim was certainly different. If we consider the text more closely, it is easy to see that the writer took the leading role of Arad-Ninlil in the conspiracy as generally known: but what he is trying to make clear is that the two officials mentioned in the letter were responsible for the death of the informer and therefore by implication also involved in the conspiracy. Both men, Nabu-sum-iskun and Sillâ, are well known as officials of Sennacherib who continued in their offices through the early years of Esarhaddon: the Kuyunjik letter archiye contains many denunciations against the latter. The present letter clearly is in the same category, and by using as an argument against Sillâ his role in silencing the informer, it actually implies that the prediction "your son Arad-Ninlil will kill you" had become a fact meanwhile. Thus, the letter just discussed powerfully supports the position of the scholars who have seen in Arad-Ninlil the likeliest candidate for the murderer of Sennacherib, and in fact makes it a matter of virtual certainty. We may hence pass on to a serious reconsideration of the problem of how to satisfactorily relate the name Arad-Ninlil to the names of the murderer (Adrammelech/Adramelos/Ardumuzan) given in the Bible and the Berossus excerpts. Actually, there is hardly any problem here at all. We are now in a position to show that the traditional reading of the (logographically spelled) Assyrian name, on which the earlier comparisons were based (and which has also been used here for convenience) is incorrect and should be abolished. In particular, the theophoric element at the end of the name (d-NIN.LÍL) has to be read [Mulissu] or [Mullêsu], not *Ninlil. This reading, first tentatively suggested by E. Reiner twelve years ago and since then increasingly well documented, represents the Neo-Assyrian form of the Akkadian name of the goddess Ninlil, attested as Mulliltum in an Old-Babylonian god list. It appears to have been very wide-spread in the first millennium, and is actually attested in syllabic spellings of the very name under consideration. On the other hand, the reading of the first element (ARAD) can be determined as [arda] or [ardi] on the basis of occasional syllabic spellings in contemporary and earlier Assyrian texts. And once the reading Arda-Mulissi has been established, the names of the murderer found in the non-cuneiform sources become relatively easy to explain. The Biblical Adrammelech differs from the Assyrian name only in two respects: the metathesis or r and d, and the replacement of shin at the end of the name by kaph. The former point is negligible since r and d were virtually homographic and therefore easy to confuse in early Hebrew and Aramaic script … the second can be explained as a scribal error. It is not difficult to imagine a scribe correcting a seemingly nonsensical "meles" to "melek", a frequent final element in North-West Semitic personal names. The Berossian name forms show an even better match. The form Adramelos found in the Abydenos excerpt is virtually identical with Arda-Mulissi save for the already discussed metathesis of r and d (which may have been influenced by the familiarity of Eusebius with the Biblical form). The name Ardumuzan agrees with Arda-Mulissi up to its last syllable which can only be due to textual corruption. It is important to note that in this name, the metathesis of r and d does not take place. In sum, it can be stated that all three names can be relatively easily traced back to Arda-Mulissi; and "then one comes to think about it, it would be very hard if not impossible to find another Assyrian name "which could provide as satisfactory an explanation for them as this one does. The identification of Arad-Ninliu Arda-Mulissi as the murderer of Sennacherib can thus be considered doubly assured. But what were his motives, and how did he end up doing what he did? My reconstruction of the course of events is as follows: In 694, Sennacherib eldest son and heir-designate Assur-nãdin-sumi is captured by Babylonians and carried off to Elam; he is no more heard of. The second-eldest son, Arda-Mulissi, now has every reason to expect to be the next crown prince; however, he is outmaneuvered from this position in favor of Esarhaddon, another son of Sennacherib. This one is younger than Arda-Mulissi but becomes the favorite son of Sennacherib thanks to his mother Naqia, who is not the mother of Arda-Mulissi. Eventually, Esarhaddon is officially proclaimed crown prince, and all Assyria is made to swear allegiance to him. However, Arda-Mulissi enjoys considerable popularity among certain circles who would like to see him as their future king rather than sickly Esarhaddon. As years pass, the opposition to Esarhaddon grows, while at the same time Arda-Mulissi and his brother(s) gain in popularity. This political development leads to a turn of events, but not to the one hoped for by Arda-Mulissi and his supporters. Foreseeing trouble, Sennacherib sends Esarhaddon away from the capital to the western provinces; yet he does not revise the order of succession. In this situation, Arda-Mulissi and his brother(s) soon find themselves in a stalemate. On the one hand, they are at their political zenith while their rival brother has to languish in exile; on the other hand, the latter remains the crown prince, and there is nothing his brothers can do about it since the position of Sennacherib remains unchanged and Esarhaddon himself is out of reach in the provinces. Supposing he were able to score military victories, his popularity would undoubtedly rise while that of his brothers might easily start to sink. The only way for them to make good of the situation, it seems, is to act swiftly and take over the kingship by force. A "treaty of rebellion" is concluded; and probably not much later, Sennacherib is stabbed to death by Arda-Mulissi or, perhaps, crushed alive under a winged bull colossus guarding the temple where he had been praying at the time of the murder. This reconstruction closely follows Esarhaddon's own account of the events. and similar interpretations have been presented earlier by others. Nebuchednezzar’s beginnings It all started, according to my revision, when Nebuchednezzar, a young official for the Great King of Assyria, Sargon II/Sennacherib, accompanied (according to Jewish tradition) the ill-fated army of Sennacherib (Judith’s “Nebuchadnezzar”) to the west. In the Book of Judith, Nebuchednezzar appears, I tentatively suggest, as “Bagoas”, purportedly a “eunuch”, serving the Commander-in-chief himself, “Holofernes”. The latter is the eldest son of Sennacherib, the Crown Prince and ruler of Babylon, Ashur-nadin-shumi, the Nadin (Nadab) of Tobit 14:10. Now King Sennacherib had various wives and apparently quite a few sons: https://www.worldhistory.org/Esarhaddon/ “Sennacherib had over eleven sons with his various wives and chose as heir his favorite, Ashur-nadin-shumi, the eldest of those born of his queen Tashmetu-sharrat (d.c. 684/681 BCE) [sic]”. Two of these sons, “Adrammelek and Sharezer”, will slay their father (2 Kings 19:37): “One day, while [Sennacherib] was worshiping in the temple of his god Nisrok, his sons Adrammelek and Sharezer killed him with the sword, and they escaped to the land of Ararat. And Esarhaddon his son succeeded him as king”. Nisrok (Nisroch) here is a fairly unconvincing Hebrew attempt to transliterate Nusku (fire-god), the god whom Sennacherib (as, for example, Tukulti-ninurta), did, indeed, worship. Some identify this Nusku with Mercury (in its evening phase). Sharezer Previously I had written: “As far as I am aware, “Sharezer” has not yet been positively identified. Emil G. Kraeling thinks that: “Sharezer was probably not a son” (“The Death of Sennacherib”, Jstor 53, No. 4, December, 1933, cf. note 32)”. But there is always hope! With my Middle Kingdom folding of Nebuchednezzar so-called I into so-called II, then we find that this great Chaldean king had an Assyrian adversary with the name of Ashur-resha-ishi. While one would not expect Nebuchednezzar so-called II to be fighting an Assyrian king - given that the Assyrian kingdom is supposed to have come to an end (612 BC) around half a dozen years before Nebuchednezzar even came to the throne (c. 605 BC) - it works in my system, according to which Nebuchednezzar was Esarhaddon/Ashurbanipal. Of Nebuchednezzar’s conflict with Ashur-resha-ishi, we read: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nebuchadnezzar_I …. The Synchronistic History[i 12] relates his entente cordiale with his contemporary, the Assyrian king Aššur-rēša-iši I,[i 13] and subsequently the outcome of two military campaigns against the border fortresses of Zanqi and Idi that he conducted in violation of this agreement. The first was curtailed by the arrival of Aššur-rēša-iši’s main force, causing Nabû-kudurrī-uṣur to burn his siege engines and flee, while the second resulted in a battle in which the Assyrians apparently triumphed, “slaughtered his troops (and) carried off his camp.” It even reports the capture of the Babylonian field marshal, Karaštu.[9] …. This was the same as the civil war that Esarhaddon had to fight against his parricidal brothers for him to hold the throne of Nineveh. The name Ashur-resha-ishi is, I believe, extremely well represented by the biblical transliteration, Sharezer. Thus A – SHUR RESHA – ishi: Shur[r]esha = Sharezer.

Tuesday, May 14, 2024

Did Daniel meet Ahikar?

by Damien F. Mackey Tobit tells us that this Ahikar was the son of his brother Anael (Tobit 1:21, 22, CEB). Previously I have written about this fascinating character of Bible and legend: Ahikar’s Importance Biblical scholars could well benefit from knowing more about AHIKAR (or Ahiqar/Akhikar), the Rabshakeh of Sennacherib, Great King of Assyria (c. 700 BC, conventional dating), and who was retained in power by Esarhaddon (Gk. Sacherdonos) (Tobit 1:22). This Ahikar … was a vitally important eye-witness to some of the most extraordinary events of Old Testament history. Ahikar was, at the very least …: 1. a key link between the Book of Judith and those other books, Kings, Chronicles and Isaiah [KCI] that describe Sennacherib’s rise to prominence and highly successful first major invasion of Israel (historically his 3rd campaign), and then 2. Sennacherib’s second major invasion of Israel and subsequent disastrous defeat there; and he was 3. an eyewitness, as Tobit’s own nephew, to neo-Assyrian events as narrated in the Book of Tobit. May I, then (based on my research into historical revision), sketch Ahikar’s astounding life by knitting together the various threads about him that one may glean from KCI, Tobit, Judith, secular history and legends. I shall be using for him the better known name of Ahikar, even though I find him named in the Book of Judith (and also in the Vulgate version of Tobit) as Achior, presumably, “son of light” (and as Achiacharus in the Septuagint). Here is Ahikar: His Israelite Beginnings Tobit tells us that this Ahikar was the son of his brother Anael (Tobit 1:21, 22, CEB): Within forty days Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons, who escaped to the mountains of Ararat. His son Esarhaddon became king in his place. He hired Ahikar, my brother Hanael’s son, to be in charge of all the financial accounts of his kingdom and all the king’s treasury records. Ahikar petitioned the king on my behalf, and I returned to Nineveh. Ahikar had been the chief officer, the keeper of the ring with the royal seal, the auditor of accounts, and the keeper of financial records under Assyria’s King Sennacherib. And Esarhaddon promoted him to be second in charge after himself. Ahikar was my nephew and one of my family. Ahikar, nephew of Tobit, was therefore the cousin of the latter’s son, Tobias, whom I have identified, in his mature age, as the holy Job. See e.g. my article: Job’s Life and Times http://www.academia.edu/3787850/Jobs_Life_and_Times Presumably then Ahikar had, just like Tobit and his son, Tobias, belonged to the tribe of Naphthali (cf. Tobit 1:1); though he was possibly, unlike the Tobiads, amongst the majority of his clan who had gone over to Baal worship. Ahikar may thus initially have been a scoffer (1:4) and a blasphemer. Tobit tells us about his tribe’s apostasy (1:4-5): When I was young, I lived in northern Israel. All the tribes in Israel were supposed to offer sacrifices in Jerusalem. It was the one city that God had chosen from among all the Israelite cities as the place where his Temple was to be built for his holy and eternal home. But my entire tribe of Naphtali rejected the city of Jerusalem and the kings descended from David. Like everyone else in this tribe, my own family used to go to the city of Dan in the mountains of northern Galilee to offer sacrifices to the gold bull-calf which King Jeroboam of Israel had set up there. This was still the unfortunate situation during the early reign of the great king Hezekiah of Judah (2 Chronicles 30: 1, 10): “And Hezekiah sent letters to all Israel and Judah … to come to Jerusalem … and keep the Passover …. So the posts passed from city to city through the country of Ephraim … but they laughed them to scorn …”. Whilst Tobit and his family, and Ahikar’s presumably also, were taken into captivity during the reign of “King Shalmaneser” [so-called V] (Tobit 1:2), the northern kingdom of Samaria went later. Samaria, due to her apostasy, was taken captive in 722 BC (conventional dating) by Sargon II of Assyria, whom I have actually equated with Sennacherib: Assyrian King Sargon II, Otherwise Known As Sennacherib https://www.academia.edu/6708474/Assyrian_King_Sargon_II_Otherwise_Known_As_Sennacherib As Sennacherib’s Cupbearer-in-Chief (Rabshakeh) See also my recent article: Ahikar once a mouthpiece for the Assyrian king Sennacherib (5) Ahikar once a mouthpiece for the Assyrian king Sennacherib | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Ahikar’s rapid rise to high office in the kingdom of Assyria may have been due in part to the prestige that his uncle had enjoyed there; because Tobit tells us that he himself was, for the duration of the reign of “Shalmaneser … the king’s purveyor”, even entrusted with large sums of money (1:14): “And I [Tobit] went into Media, and left in trust with Gabael, the brother of Gabrias, at Rages a city of Media ten talents of silver”. …. This is apparently something like $1.2 million dollars! http://www.enduringword.com/commentaries/1205.htm …. Sennacherib’s description of his official, Bel-ibni, who he said had “grown up in my palace like a young puppy” [as quoted by G. Roux, Iraq, p. 321], may have been equally applicable to Ahikar. The highly talented Ahikar, rising quickly through the ranks, attained to Rabshakeh, high military official. Whatever the exact circumstances of Ahikar’s worldly success, the young man seems to have enjoyed a rise to power quite as speedy as that later on experienced by the prophet Daniel in Babylon; the latter trusting wholeheartedly in his God, whereas Ahikar may possibly have, at first, depended upon his own powers. {Though Tobit put in a good word for his nephew when he recalled that “Ahikar gave alms” (14:10), that being his salvation}. Merodach-baladan, the wily survivor during the first half of Sennacherib’s reign, was the latter’s foe, Arphaxad, of the Book of Judith, defeated by Sennacherib (there called Nebuchadnezzar) - this incident occurring next, as I have argued, after Sennacherib’s successful 3rd campaign, the one involving king Hezekiah of Judah. Thus we read in Judith 1:1, 5-6: While King Nebuchadnezzar was ruling over the Assyrians from his capital city of Nineveh, King Arphaxad ruled over the Medes [sic] …. In the twelfth year of his reign King Nebuchadnezzar went to war against King Arphaxad in the large plain around the city of Rages. Many nations joined forces with King Arphaxad—all the people who lived in the mountains, those who lived along the Tigris, Euphrates, and Hydaspes rivers, as well as those who lived in the plain ruled by King Arioch of Elam. Many nations joined this Chelodite [Chaldean] alliance. Whilst “King Arioch” mentioned here will be discussed later, I have explained the use of the name ‘Nebuchadnezzar’ for Sennacherib in the Book of Judith in my article: Book of Judith: confusion of names https://www.academia.edu/36599434/Book_of_Judith_confusion_of_names Sennacherib’s Third campaign Biblically, we get our first glimpse of Ahikar in action, I believe, as the very vocal Rabshakeh of KCI, the mouthpiece of Sennacherib himself when the Assyrian army mounted its first major assault upon the kingdom of Judah (2 Kings 18:13): “In the fourteenth year of King Hezekiah, Sennacherib king of Assyria came up against all the fortified cities of Judah and took them”. Now, it would make perfect sense that the king of Assyria would have chosen from amongst his elite officials, to address the Jews, one of Israelite tongue (vv. 17-18): And the king of Assyria sent the Tartan, the Rabsaris, and the Rabshakeh with a great army from Lachish to King Hezekiah at Jerusalem. And they went up and came to Jerusalem. When they arrived, they came and stood by the conduit of the upper pool, which is on the highway to the Fuller’s Field. And when they called for the king, there came out to them Eliakim the son of Hilkiah, who was over the household, and Shebnah the secretary, and Joah the son of Asaph, the recorder. And these are the bold words that Rabshakeh had apparently been ordered to say to the Jews (vv. 19-25): And the Rabshakeh said to them, “Say to Hezekiah, ‘Thus says the great king, the king of Assyria: On what do you rest this trust of yours? Do you think that mere words are strategy and power for war? In whom do you now trust, that you have rebelled against me? Behold, you are trusting now in Egypt, that broken reed of a staff, which will pierce the hand of any man who leans on it. Such is Pharaoh king of Egypt to all who trust in him. But if you say to me, “We trust in the Lord our God,” is it not he whose high places and altars Hezekiah has removed, saying to Judah and to Jerusalem, “You shall worship before this altar in Jerusalem”? Come now, make a wager with my master the king of Assyria: I will give you two thousand horses, if you are able on your part to set riders on them. How then can you repulse a single captain among the least of my master’s servants, when you trust in Egypt for chariots and for horsemen? Moreover, is it without the Lord that I have come up against this place to destroy it? The Lord said to me, Go up against this land, and destroy it’. …. King Hezekiah’s officials, however, who did not want the people on the walls to hear these disheartening words, pleaded with Rabshakeh as follows (v. 26): “Then Eliakim the son of Hilkiah, and Shebnah, and Joah, said to the Rabshakeh, ‘Please speak to your servants in Aramaic, for we understand it. Do not speak to us in the language of Judah within the hearing of the people who are on the wall’.” Could the fact that the Jewish officials knew that Sennacherib’s officer was conversant with the Aramaïc language indicate that Ahikar, of whom they must have known, was of northern – and perhaps Transjordanian (like Tobit and Tobias) – origin? Now Ahikar, who as said above is named ‘Achior’ in the Vulgate version of Tobit, I have identified as the important Achior of the Book of Judith in Volume Two of my post-graduate thesis (2007). So it was rather intriguing to discover, in regard to the Rabshakeh’s famous speech, that B. Childs (Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis) had discerned some similarity between it and the speech of Achior in the Book of Judith. I wrote on this in my thesis (Vol. 2, p. 8): … Childs - who has subjected the Rabshakeh’s speech to a searching form-critical analysis, also identifying its true Near Eastern genre - has considered it as well in relation to an aspect of the speech of … Achior [to be identified with] this Rabshakeh in Chapter 2, e.g. pp. 46-47) to Holofernes (Judith 5:20f.). …. A legend had been born, Ahikar the Rabshakeh! The Israelite captive had proven himself to have been a most loyal servant of Sennacherib’s during the latter’s highly successful 3rd campaign, playing his assigned rôle to perfection. Sennacherib then turned his sights upon the troublesome Merodach-baladan. And it is at this point in history that the Book of Judith opens. After the defeat of Merodach-baladan, the aforementioned ‘young puppy’, Bel-ibni, was made sub-king of Babylon in his stead. The Vizier (Ummânu) With what I think is a necessary merging of the C12th BC king of Babylon, Nebuchednezzar so-called I, with the potent king of neo-Assyria, Esarhaddon (or Nebuchednezzar ‘the Great’), we encounter during the reign of ‘each’ a vizier of such fame that he was to be remembered for centuries to come. It is now reasonable to assume that this is one and the same vizier. I refer, in the case of Nebuchednezzar I, to the following celebrated vizier [the following taken from J. Brinkman’s A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia. 1158-722 B.C. Roma (Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1968, pp. 114-115]: … during these years in Babylonia a notable literary revival took place …. It is likely that this burst of creative activity sprang from the desire to glorify fittingly the spectacular achievements of Nebuchednezzar I and to enshrine his memorable deeds in lasting words. These same deeds were also to provide inspiration for later poets who sang the glories of the era …. The scribes of Nebuchednezzar’s day, reasonably competent in both Akkadian and Sumerian…, produced works of an astonishing vigor, even though these may have lacked the polish of a more sophisticated society. The name Esagil-kini-ubba, ummânu or “royal secretary” during the reign of Nebuchednezzar I, was preserved in Babylonian memory for almost one thousand years – as late as the year 147 of the Seleucid Era (= 165 B.C.)…. To which Brinkman adds the footnote [n. 641]: “Note … that Esagil-kini-ubba served as ummânu also under Adad-apla-iddina and, therefore, his career extended over at least thirty-five years”. So perhaps we can consider that our vizier was, for a time, shared by both Assyria and Babylon. Those seeking the historical Ahikar tend to come up with one Aba-enlil-dari, this description of him taken from: http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/database/gen_html/a0000639.php: The story of Ahiqar is set into the court of seventh century Assyrian kings Sennacherib and Esarhaddon. The hero has the Akkadian name Ahī-(w)aqar “My brother is dear”, but it is not clear if the story has any historical foundation. The latest entry in a Seleucid list of Seven Sages says: “In the days of Esarhaddon the sage was Aba-enlil-dari, whom the Aramaeans call Ahu-uqar” which at least indicates that the story of Ahiqar was well known in the Seleucid Babylonia. Seleucid Babylonia is, of course, much later removed in time from our sources for Ahikar. And, as famous as may have been the scribe Esagil-kini-ubba – whether or not he were also Ahikar – even better known is this Ahikar (at least by that name), a character of both legend and of (as I believe) real history. Regarding Ahikar’s tremendous popularity even down through the centuries, we read [The Jerome Biblical Commentary, New Jersey (Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968), 28:28]: The story of Ahikar is one of the most phenomenal in the ancient world in that it has become part of many different literatures and has been preserved in several different languages: Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Greek, Slavonic, and Old Turkish. The most ancient recension is the Aramaic, found amongst the famous 5th-cent. BC papyri that were discovered at the beginning of the 20th cent. on Elephantine Island in the Nile. The story worked its way into the Arabian nights and the Koran; it influenced Aesop, the Church Fathers as well as Greek philosophers, and the Old Testament itself. Whilst Ahikar’s fame has spread far and wide, the original Ahikar, whom I am trying to uncover in this article, has been elusive for some. Thus J. Greenfield has written: http://ebooks.cambridge.org/chapter.jsf?bid=CBO9780511520662&cid=CBO9780511520662A012 The figure of Ahiqar has remained a source of interest to scholars in a variety of fields. The search for the real Ahiqar, the acclaimed wise scribe who served as chief counsellor to Sennacherib and Esarhaddon, was a scholarly preoccupation for many years. He had a sort of independent existence since he was known from a series of texts – the earliest being the Aramaic text from Elephantine, followed by the book of Tobit, known from the Apocrypha, and the later Syriac, Armenian and Arabic texts of Ahiqar. An actual royal counsellor and high court official who had been removed from his position and later returned to it remains unknown. E. Reiner found the theme of the ‘disgrace and rehabilitation of a minister’ combined with that of the ‘ungrateful nephew’ in the ‘Bilingual Proverbs’, and saw this as a sort of parallel to the Ahiqar story. She also emphasized that in Mesopotamia the ummânu was not only a learned man or craftsman but was also a high official. At the time that Reiner noted the existence of this theme in Babylonian wisdom literature, Ahiqar achieved a degree of reality with the discovery in Uruk, in the excavations of winter 1959/60, of a Late Babylonian tablet (W20030,7) dated to the 147th year of the Seleucid era (= 165 BCE). This tablet contains a list of antediluvian kings and their sages (apkallû) and postdiluvian kings and their scholars (ummânu). The postdiluvian kings run from Gilgamesh to Esarhaddon. As a Ruling ‘King’ (or Governor) The Elamite Connection Chapter 1 of the Book of Tobit appears to be a general summary of Tobit’s experiences during the reigns of a succession of Assyrian kings: Shalmaneser, Sennacherib and Esarhaddon. I, in my thesis and subsequent writings, may have misread some of the chronology of the life of Tobit, whose blindness, as recorded in Chapter 2, I had presumed to have occurred after the murder of Sennacherib. I now think that it occurred well before that. Ahikar will assist Tobit in his miserable state (“Ahikar gave alms”, 14:10), for two years, before his appointment as ruler of Elam. Here is Tobit’s account of it (2:10-11): For four years I could see nothing. My relatives were deeply concerned about my condition, and Ahikar supported me for two years before he went to the land of Elam. After Ahikar left, my wife Anna had to go to work, so she took up weaving, like many other women. Another thing that probably needs to be re-considered now, in light of my revised view of the chronology of Tobit, concerns the previously mentioned “King Arioch” as referred to in Judith 1:6: “Many nations joined forces with King Arphaxad … as well as those who lived in the plain ruled by King Arioch of Elam”. Arioch in Elam I had (rightly I think) identified in my thesis, again, as Achior (Ahikar) who went to Elam. But, due to my then mis-reading of Tobit, I had had to consider the mention of Arioch in Judith 1:6 as a post-Sennacherib gloss, added later as a geographical pointer, thinking that our hero had gone to Elam only after Sennacherib’s death. And so I wrote in my thesis (Vol. II, pp. 46-47): I disagree with Charles [The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament] that: “The name Arioch is borrowed from Gen. xiv. i, in accordance with the author’s love of archaism”. This piece of information, I am going to argue here, is actually a later gloss to the original text. And I hope to give a specific identification to this king, since, according to Leahy [‘Judith’]: “The identity of Arioch (Vg Erioch) has not been established …”. What I am going to propose is that Arioch was not actually one of those who had rallied to the cause of Arphaxad in Year 12 of Nebuchadnezzar, as a superficial reading of [Book of Judith] might suggest, but that this was a later addition to the text for the purpose of making more precise for the reader the geographical region from whence came Arphaxad’s allies, specifically the Elamite troops. In other words, this was the very same region as that which Arioch had ruled; though at a later time, as I am going to explain. Commentators express puzzlement about him. Who was this Arioch? And if he were such an unknown, then what was the value of this gloss for the early readers? Arioch was, I believe, the very Achior who figures so prominently in the story of Judith. He was also the legendary Ahikar, a most famous character as we have already read. Therefore he was entirely familiar to the Jews, who would have known that he had eventually governed the Assyrian province of Elam. Some later editor/translator presumably, apparently failing to realise that the person named in this gloss was the very same as the Achior who figures so prominently throughout the main story of [Judith], has confused matters by calling him by the different name of Arioch. He should have written: “Achior ruled the Elymeans”. From there it is an easy matter to make this comparison: “Achior … Elymeans” [Judith]; “Ahikar (var. Achior) … Elymaïs” [Tobit]. Suffice it to say here that this ubiquitous personage, Ahikar/Achior, would have been the eyewitness extraordinaire to the detailed plans and preparations regarding the war between the Assyrians and the Chaldean coalition as described in Judith 1. Merging Judith’s ‘Arioch’ with Daniel’s ‘Arioch’ With my revised shunting of the neo-Assyrian era into the neo-Babylonian one, and with an important official, “Arioch”, emerging early in the Book of Daniel, early in the reign of “Nebuchednezzar”, then the possibility arises that he is the same as the “Arioch” of Judith 1:6. Previously, I multi-identified the famous Ahikar (var. Achior), nephew of Tobit, a Naphtalian Israelite, with Sennacherib’s Rabshakeh; with the Achior of the Book of Judith; and with a few other suggestions thrown in. Finally, my identification of Ahikar (Achior) also with the governor (for Assyria) of the land of Elam, named as “Arioch” in Judith 1:6, enabled me to write this very neat equation: “Achior … Elymeans” [Judith]; “Ahikar (var. Achior) … Elymaïs” [Tobit]. Arioch in Daniel Arioch is met in Daniel 2, in the highly dramatic context of king Nebuchednezzar’s Dream, in which Arioch is a high official serving the king. The erratic king has firmly determined to get rid of all of his wise men (2:13): “So the decree was issued to put the wise men to death, and men were sent to look for Daniel and his friends to put them to death”. And the king has entrusted the task to this Arioch, variously entitled “marshal”; “provost-marshal”; “captain of the king’s guard”; “chief of the king’s executioners” (2:14): “When Arioch, the commander of the king’s guard, had gone out to put to death the wise men of Babylon, Daniel spoke to him with wisdom and tact”. This is the customary way that the wise and prudent Daniel will operate. Daniel 2 continues (v. 15): “[Daniel] asked the king’s officer [Arioch], ‘Why did the king issue such a harsh decree?’ Arioch then explained the matter to Daniel”. Our young Daniel does not lack a certain degree of “chutzpah”, firstly boldly approaching the king’s high official (the fact that Arioch does not arrest Daniel on the spot may be testimony to both the young man’s presence and also Arioch’s favouring the Jews since the Judith incident), and then (even though he was now aware of the dire decree) marching off to confront the terrible king (v. 16): “At this, Daniel went in to the king and asked for time, so that he might interpret the dream for him”. Later, Daniel, having had revealed to him the details and interpretation of the king’s Dream, will re-acquaint himself with Arioch (v. 24): “Then Daniel went to Arioch, whom the king had appointed to execute the wise men of Babylon, and said to him, ‘Do not execute the wise men of Babylon. Take me to the king, and I will interpret his dream for him’.” Naturally, Arioch was quick to respond - no doubt to appease the enraged king, but perhaps also for the sake of Daniel and the wise men (v. 25): “Arioch took Daniel to the king at once and said, ‘I have found a man among the exiles from Judah who can tell the king what his dream means’.” Ahikar and Daniel Comparisons “There are also some curious linguistic parallels between Ahikar and Daniel” Books and articles abound comparing Ahikar and Daniel. For instance, there is George A. Barton’s “The Story of Aḥiḳar and the Book of Daniel” (The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Vol. 16, No. 4, 1900, pp 242-247): Aḥiḳar, a vizier of Sennacherib, was possessed of wealth, wisdom, popularity, and .... Lastly the description of Aḥiḳar with his nails grown like eagles’ talons and his hair matted like a wild beast … not only reminds one strongly of the of the description of the hair and nails of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 4.30), but appears, as Harris has shown … in a more original form [sic] than in the book of Daniel. He further points out that the fact that in Aḥiḳar’s description of the wise men “Chaldeans” had not yet become a technical term for a sage, as it has in Daniel, is a further argument for the priority of Aḥiḳar. All these points the acute critic of Aḥiḳar has admirably taken; but one wonders why he did not go on a step farther; for when we come to the more fundamental parallels between plots and methods of treatment, the story of Aḥiḳar becomes even more vitally interesting to the student of Daniel than before. The first of these points to be noted is that Daniel was a wise man, like Aḥiḳar, excelling all others in wisdom, and, like him, vizier to his sovereign, whoever that sovereign might be. Granting the priority of Aḥiḳar, is there not a sign of dependence here? The story of Aḥiḳar’s fall from the pinnacle of power, his unjust incarceration in a pit … his deliverance, and the imprisonment of his accuser in the same pit, is exactly the same as Daniel’s fall from like power, his imprisonment in the lions’ den, his deliverance, and the casting of his accusers to the lions …. [End of quote] F. C. Conybeare et al. provide more such comparisons in “The Story of Ahikar”: https://archive.org/stream/HarrisConybeareLewis1913TheStoryOfAhikar.../Harris%2C%20Conybeare%2C%20%26%20Lewis%201913_The%20Story%20of%20Ahikar..._djvu.txt I turn now to a book which appears to belong to the same time and to the same region as Ahikar, in search of more exact coincidences. I refer to the Book of Daniel. First of all there are a good many expressions describing Assyrian life, which appear also in Daniel and may be a part of the stock-in-trade of an Eastern story-teller in ancient times. I mean such expressions as, '0 king, live for ever! 5 'I clad him in byssus and purple \ and a gold collar did I bind around his neck/ (Armenian, p. 25, cf. Dan. v. 16.) More exact likeness of speech will be found in the following sentence from the Arabic version, in which Ahikar is warned by the ' magicians, astrologers and sooth-sayers ' that he will have no child. Something of the same kind occurs in the Arabic text, when the king of Egypt sends his threatening letter to the king of Assyria, and the latter gathers together his ' nobles, philosophers, and wise men, and astrologers/ The Slavonic drops all this and says, 'It was revealed to me by God, no child will be born of thee/ ' He caused all the wise men to be gathered together/ In the Armenian it is, 'there was a voice from the gods 5 ; ' he sent and mustered the satraps/ The language, however, in the Arabic recalls certain expressions in Daniel : e.g. Dan. ii. 2. c The king sent to call the magicians, the astrologers, the sorcerers and the Chaldeans/ So in Dan. ii. 27 : in Dan. v. 7, ( astrologers, Chaldeans, and soothsayers/ etc. It will be seen that the expressions in Daniel are closely parallel to those in the Arabic Ahikar. Again, when the king of Assyria is in perplexity as to what he shall answer to the king of Egypt, he demands advice from Nadan who has succeeded to his uncle's place in the kingdom. Nadan ridicules the demands of the Pharaoh. 'Build a castle in the air! The gods themselves cannot do this, let alone men!' We naturally compare the reply of the consulted Chaldeans in Daniel ii. 11, 'There is no one who can answer the matter before the king, except the gods, whose dwelling is not with flesh/ When Ahikar is brought out of his hiding-place and presented to the king, we are told that his hair had grown very long and reached his shoulders, while his beard had grown to his breast. 'My nails/ he says, 'were like the claws of eagles and my body had become withered and shapeless/ We compare the account of Nebuchadnezzar, after he had been driven from amongst men (see iv. 30); 1 until his hairs were grown like eagles' [feathers] and his nails like birds' [claws].' The parallelism between these passages is tolerably certain; and the text in Ahikar is better [sic] than that of Daniel. The growth of the nails must be expressed in terms of eagles' talons, and not of the claws of little birds: and the hair ought to be compared with wild beasts, as is the case in some of the Ahikar versions. There are also some curious linguistic parallels between Ahikar and Daniel …. It seems, then, to be highly probable that one of the writers in question was acquainted with the other; for it is out of the question to refer all these coincidences to a later perturbation in the text of Ahikar from the influence of the Bible. Some, at least, of them must be primitive coincidences. But in referring such coincidences to the first form of Ahikar, we have lighted upon a pretty problem. For one of the formulae in question, that namely which describes the collective wisdom of the Babylonians, is held by modern critics to be one of the proofs of late date in the book of Daniel: Accordingly Sayce says … 'Besides the proper names [in Daniel] there is another note of late date. "The Chaldeans" are coupled with the "magicians/ … the "astrologers'' and the "sorcerers/* just as they are in Horace or other classical writers of a similar age. The Hebrew and Aramaic equivalent of the Greek or Latin "Chaldeans" is Kasdim (Kasdayin), a name the origin of which is still uncertain. But its application in the earlier books of the Bible is well known. It denoted the Semitic Babylonians.... After the fall of the Babylonian empire the word Chaldean gradually assumed a new meaning . . .it became the equivalent of "sorcerer" and magician.. . . In the eyes of the Assyriologist the use of the word Kasdim in the book of Daniel would alone be sufficient to indicate the date of the work with unerring certainty.' Now it is certainly an interesting fact that in the story of Ahikar the perplexing Chaldeans are absent from the enumeration. This confirms us in a suspicion that Ahikar has not been borrowing from Daniel, either in the first form of the legend or in later versions. For if he had been copying into his text a passage from Daniel to heighten the narrative, why should he omit the Chaldeans? The author had not, certainly, been reading Prof. Sayce's proof that they were an anachronism. The hypothesis is, therefore, invited that in Ahikar we have a prior document to Daniel: but we will not press the argument unduly, because we are not quite certain as to the text of the primitive Ahikar … . See also my article: Did Daniel meet prophet Job? (5) Did Daniel meet prophet Job? | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu